LONDON — Two weeks before Britain was originally scheduled to leave the European Union, Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of the opposition Labour Party, was asked on television whether Britain should stay or go. He refused to answer.
The question came again, and again, and again, and then one last time. He still refused to answer.
“I want us to have a serious relationship with the E.U.,” he said, gliding past the in-or-out question that has consumed Britons for the better part of three years.
But now, with the Conservative government and Labour in talks to devise a deal they can both support, and with yet another deadline looming, Mr. Corbyn’s tightrope walk may be near an end.
Until now, his studied ambiguity has largely held his party together while the Conservatives have crumbled. But having accepted Prime Minister Theresa May’s offer to negotiate, he will likely face uncomfortable choices if Mrs. May softens her stance and tries to tempt him with a credible compromise.
“She’s dipping Jeremy Corbyn’s hands in the blood, if you like,” said Alan Wager, a research associate at The U.K. in a Changing Europe, a research organization. “That’s what Theresa May is aiming to do here.”
The talks broke off on Friday, with Labour leaders demanding that Mrs. May show greater flexibility. They resumed Monday evening, and Downing Street said the parties would meet again Tuesday.
But Mr. Corbyn had cautioned that to succeed the “talks have to mean a movement, and so far there’s been no change in those red lines.”
The dilemma for Mr. Corbyn is evident.
To satisfy Labour members, any agreement he reaches with the prime minister on the terms of Britain’s split from the European Union, or Brexit, will have to be accompanied by a public vote on the deal and an ironclad guarantee that it will not be altered by any successor to Mrs. May. Anything less would invite a tidal wave of anger from pro-European members of his party.
Yet, holding out for a second referendum would alienate a significant minority of Labour voters who support leaving the bloc — as well as Labour lawmakers who fear being seen as the party that thwarted Brexit.
“The much more challenging phase he’s into now is making a positive decision in one direction or another and holding that coalition together as it moves from being against something to being in favor of something,” said Tom Kibasi, the director of the Institute for Public Policy Research, a liberal research organization.
Whatever the outcome of cross-party talks, Mr. Corbyn’s apparent hope that Brexit would eventually fade away in favor of domestic issues looks increasingly misguided. Years of negotiation will follow even if a deal is reached, and there are already signs that voters who backed Labour in 2017 are defecting to smaller and more overtly anti-Brexit parties.
Mrs. May made it more difficult to reach an agreement with Labour when she promised hard-liners in her party that she will resign once a deal is reached. That would leave any plan in the hands of her successor and make Mr. Corbyn the only party leader defending a largely unloved compromise in a future general election.
That would be a difficult position for Mr. Corbyn, a left-wing outsider who is known better as a campaigner on social and economic issues than as a political tactician. His official preference has been to negotiate a soft Brexit deal that keeps Britain tied to European economic structures.
“Corbynism depends on a moral claim to be above normal politics,” Glen O’Hara, a historian at Oxford Brookes University, said. “As soon you get your hands dirty with normal compromise, Corbynism fails.”
The minimum requirement for a compromise would be Mrs. May agreeing to Labour’s demand that Britain remain in a European customs union. Britain would not charge tariffs on European products under such a plan, preserving reasonably frictionless trade in goods with the bloc, Britain’s biggest trading partner.
But any such plan would be enshrined in a nonbinding part of Mrs. May’s Brexit deal, the so-called political declaration, meaning a successor to Mrs. May could try to undo it in favor of a more complete split from Europe.
At the same time, Mrs. May faces a convulsion in her own party if she accedes to Labour’s demands, with hard-line pro-Brexit Conservative lawmakers threatening new attempts to oust her.
Parliament on Monday night passed a bill requiring Mrs. May to seek an extension of the next Brexit deadline, on Friday, to avoid a no-deal exit. She had already asked European leaders for a delay until June 30, but lawmakers could try to force her to seek a longer postponement. Mrs. May planned to talk with Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany on Tuesday and then to meet with President Emmanuel Macron of France to try to nail down their support for an extension.
For Mr. Corbyn, the outlook is not exactly rosy. His favorability ratings are historically low, and he has been buffeted by new accusations that his party allies have dithered when people complain about anti-Semitic comments by Labour members.
Only two months ago several Labour members of Parliament, angered by Mr. Corbyn’s equivocation over Brexit and his response to concerns about anti-Semitism, broke off to start their own group.
That seemed to get Mr. Corbyn’s attention, and for the first time he backed a second public vote on Brexit, in some circumstances. Some analysts said this was out of character for Mr. Corbyn, a leader who made his reputation as an inflexibly left-wing backbench member of Parliament, but that it has paid dividends.
“He’s been surprisingly flexible,” Mr. O’Hara, of Oxford Brookes University, said. “His team has managed to stay so indistinct, and talk to both sides of the debate for so long, just to let the government fall apart. Why would you let your enemy off the hook instead of letting them blow themselves up?”
Since the Brexit referendum in 2016, Mr. Corbyn, a lifelong skeptic of the European Union, has attracted deep suspicion from those who want to remain in the bloc, who make up the majority of Labour’s membership. But senior Labour officials have impressed upon Mr. Corbyn the political advantages of opposing Brexit and supporting a second public vote.
The party’s pro-European faction is becoming increasingly confident that he will commit — if he does finally support any compromise — to their position.
“I think what we’re seeing now is the walls are closing in on Corbyn,” said Lara Spirit, a founder of a campaign by young people for a second referendum. “There is just nothing in it for Corbyn to facilitate a Tory Brexit.”
Mr. Kibasi, of the Institute for Public Policy Research, said Mr. Corbyn’s Euroskepticism had proved to be a political boon, leaving him disentangled from the emotional attachments that might have led another party leader to step into the fray rather than let the Conservative party unravel.
“He’s not clouded by affections for the E.U. or its institutions, and in a sense that gives him the ability to think clearly about the best ways to destabilize the government,” he said.B:
福彩三d八仙过海必中组合【目】【前】，【如】【无】【意】【外】【的】【话】，【积】【分】【榜】【前】【五】【名】【已】【经】【基】【本】【上】【坐】【稳】【了】【正】【选】【五】【大】【起】【选】【名】【额】。 【接】【下】【来】，【就】【只】【剩】【下】【一】【个】【替】【补】【名】【额】【了】。 【如】【今】，【排】【在】【第】【六】【名】【的】【张】【云】【笙】【和】【排】【在】【第】【七】【名】【的】【姬】【芸】【最】【有】【可】【能】【获】【得】【替】【补】【名】【额】，【哈】【为】【她】【们】【的】【分】【数】【仅】【仅】【相】【差】1【而】【已】！ 【而】【选】【拔】【赛】【还】【有】15【分】【钟】【就】【要】【结】【束】【了】，【应】【时】，【蓝】【青】【等】【前】5【名】【的】【参】【赛】【者】【都】【已】【经】【停】【手】，
【下】【一】【刻】，【她】【乖】【乖】【地】【走】【到】【姜】【氏】【面】【前】，【把】【阿】【娘】【的】【水】【壶】【给】【了】【他】。 【偏】【那】【家】【伙】【还】【得】【寸】【进】【尺】，【非】【要】【她】【喂】。 【气】【得】【慕】【彦】【峥】【几】【次】【想】【要】【冲】【过】【去】，【却】【被】【姜】【氏】【拽】【住】。 【姜】【氏】【很】【沉】【得】【住】【气】，【居】【然】【还】【有】【心】【情】【跟】【他】【谈】【笑】，“【三】【公】【子】，【你】【这】【耍】【无】【赖】【的】【本】【事】【我】【还】【是】【第】【一】【次】【见】【到】【呢】，【嗯】，【有】【点】【可】【爱】。” 【君】【熠】【然】【就】【着】【苏】【璟】【妍】【的】【手】，【先】【吞】【了】【药】【丸】，【再】“
【三】【年】【后】，【又】【是】【一】【个】【冬】【天】，【漫】【天】【大】【雪】。 【雪】【花】【飞】【扬】【中】，【我】【戴】【着】【厚】【厚】【棉】【帽】，【从】【车】【门】【走】【下】【来】。 【地】【上】【积】【着】【厚】【厚】【的】【冰】【雪】，【踩】【上】【去】【发】【出】【沙】【沙】【的】【声】【音】，【但】【再】【走】【几】【步】，【就】【听】【不】【到】【了】。 【从】【停】【车】【场】【一】【直】【到】【酒】【店】【大】【厅】，【全】【部】【铺】【着】【三】【层】【红】【毯】，【迎】【接】【贵】【宾】。 【侍】【者】【恭】【敬】【地】【带】【我】【进】【入】【二】【楼】【的】【豪】【华】【休】【息】【室】，【因】【为】【我】【是】【新】【娘】【的】【姐】【妹】。 【刚】【进】【去】福彩三d八仙过海必中组合【当】【长】【情】【算】【到】【的】【那】【个】【命】【定】【时】【辰】【已】【至】，【拥】【有】【完】【整】【神】【魂】【且】【不】【用】【再】【跟】【着】【他】【们】【轮】【回】【转】【世】【的】【二】【宝】【便】【顺】【利】【的】【降】【生】【了】。 【可】【是】 【二】【宝】【的】【真】【身】【似】【乎】【出】【了】【点】【问】【题】 “【夫】..【夫】【君】【这】..【这】”【虚】【弱】【的】【长】【情】【将】【自】【己】【的】【小】【身】【子】【紧】【紧】【地】【挤】【进】【无】【心】【的】【怀】【里】，【眼】【睛】【也】【睁】【得】【大】【大】【的】。 “【没】【事】”【无】【心】【轻】【声】【安】【慰】【了】【长】【情】
【长】【安】【城】。 【秦】【王】【府】。 【程】【处】【弼】【早】【早】【的】【就】【起】【来】【了】，【然】【后】【弄】【了】【一】【些】【泥】【巴】，【开】【始】【玩】【了】【起】【来】。 【身】【上】【穿】【着】【短】【袖】，【前】【面】【是】【一】【个】【磨】。 【将】【泥】【巴】【放】【上】【去】【了】，【然】【后】【就】【开】【始】【转】【动】【起】【那】【磨】【来】。 【不】【知】【道】【的】，【还】【以】【为】【程】【处】【弼】【这】【是】【得】【了】【老】【年】【痴】【呆】【了】【呢】。 【不】【然】，【一】【个】【五】【十】【多】【岁】【的】【老】【头】【子】，【没】【事】【玩】【啥】【泥】【巴】【啊】？ 【其】【实】，【最】【近】【程】【处】【弼】【是】【喜】
【王】【者】【归】【来】 “【哈】【哈】【哈】，【我】【们】【也】【终】【于】【到】【了】【传】【说】【的】【天】【子】【城】。” “【这】【里】【好】【壮】【观】。” “【据】【说】【这】【里】【有】【好】【多】【厉】【害】【的】npc。” 【北】【玄】【思】【等】【人】【刚】【到】【天】【子】【城】，【看】【到】【天】【子】【城】【的】【壮】【观】【景】【象】【就】【不】【由】【惊】【叹】【起】【来】，【心】【中】【是】【五】【味】【交】【错】，【不】【知】【道】【如】【何】【表】【达】【出】【自】【己】【的】【心】【情】，【有】【高】【兴】、【有】【激】【动】、【更】【有】【一】【种】【说】【不】【出】【的】【荣】【耀】。 【众】【人】【突】【然】【就】【来】【到】【了】【天】