WASHINGTON — President Trump vowed on Thursday to reinvigorate and reinvent American missile defenses in a speech that recalled Cold War-era visions of nuclear adversaries — though he never once mentioned Russia or China, the two great-power threats to the United States.
While the president infused the new missile efforts with his ambitions for a Space Force, the actual plans released by the Pentagon were far more incremental. As a political matter, Mr. Trump’s speech seemed designed to play well with his base, a tough-sounding call to a new generation of arms that evoked Ronald Reagan’s 1983 “Star Wars” missile defense program.
But the timing was awkward.
The president’s enthusiastic endorsement of new technologies to detect and intercept incoming missiles stands in sharp contrast to his demand, for example, for a decidedly low-tech barrier — a wall — on the southwestern border to stop migrants from illegally entering the United States. And his call for billions of dollars in new spending on missile defenses comes as the government is shut down in a dispute over .7 billion for that wall.
“Our goal is simple: to ensure that we can detect and destroy any missile launched against the United States anywhere, any time, any place,” Mr. Trump said.
“Our strategy is grounded in one overriding objective: to detect and destroy every type of missile attack against any American target, whether before or after launch,” he said. “When it comes to defending America, we will not take any chances. We will only take action. There is no substitute for American military might.”
In fact, the Pentagon document is aimed largely at destroying small numbers of missiles launched by regional powers, rather than overwhelming strikes from Russia or China.
Mr. Trump also never talked about the threat from North Korea, where an expanding fleet of nuclear-capable missiles has been a focus of missile-defense advocates for years.
On Friday, the president is expected to see North Korea’s former intelligence chief at the White House, part of an effort to set up a second summit meeting with Kim Jong-un, the country’s leader. Mr. Trump’s aides have privately expressed concerns that as the United States improves its missile defenses in Asia, the North could see that as a reason never to disarm.
In his speech, Mr. Trump focused most of his specific warnings on Iran — a country that does not have nuclear capability or intercontinental ballistic missiles, but continues to expand its regional capability. And he made it clear he was willing to engage in a technological arms race.
The upgrades amounted to new layers of space-based sensors to pick up the movement of mobile missile launches, and a growing focus on disabling missiles before they are launched, rather than depending on intercepting them in space.
There was no plan to deploy space-based interceptors, a key element of the Reagan-era vision that remains technologically elusive 35 years after it was announced.
Mr. Trump’s trip to the Pentagon on Thursday was the first since Defense Secretary Jim Mattis resigned in protest after the president’s decision to withdraw troops from Syria, and with an unusually public rebuke of the administration’s undercutting of allies. Mr. Trump was joined there by the acting secretary, Patrick M. Shanahan, a former Boeing executive.
The strategy Mr. Trump announced was required by Congress, and originally planned for release last year.
But it ran into delays, some sparked by questions of how ambitious to make the goals — and whether a vast upgrade of America’s limited missile defenses was worth the money when the Pentagon is already building up cyberforces, considering a trillion-dollar upgrade of its nuclear weapons delivery systems and stretched thin around the world.
The new document marks the first update to the policy since a 2010 review by the Obama administration. While that report focused more on the strategies and number of antimissile interceptors needed to deter North Korea and Iran, and where to base them, the Trump review puts emphasis on attacking enemy missiles “prior to launch.”
The report envisions using layers of defense in a time of open conflict. But so far the primary efforts to prevent the launch of missiles have come as covert efforts to disrupt North Korean flight tests — an effort that was accelerated in President Barack Obama’s last three years in office.
“If deterrence fails and conflict with a rogue state or within a region ensues,” the document said, “U.S. attack operations supporting missile defense will degrade, disrupt or destroy an adversary’s missiles before they are launched.”
The strikes, it said, will “increase the effectiveness of active missile defenses by reducing the number of adversary missiles to be intercepted.”
The report suggests a series of innovations to bolster the nation’s active defenses. They include improving the standard interceptor missile, known as SM-3, so greatly that it could knock out the fast-moving warheads from intercontinental missiles. Today, the SM-3 system is designed for shorter-range threats, which move relatively slowly.
“I think this is impossible,” Joe Cirincione, the president of the Ploughshares Fund, told reporters in a telephone briefing organized by the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation. Both groups back arms control. “I don’t think that the technology exists now or will for decades to come.”
The new policy also stated that the Trump administration was seeking to stop enemy missiles before they got far off the ground — a step known as boost-phase interception, since the attack would happen while a missile’s engines were still firing. The approach has gained support since North Korea started testing long-range missiles.
In the future, the report said, the nation’s F-35 fighter jets “can be equipped with a new or modified interceptor capable of shooting down adversary ballistic missiles in their boost phase,” or moments after liftoff.
In the most contentious proposal, the report embraced Reagan’s Star Wars plan of putting weapons in space to shoot down enemy missiles during ascent. But again, the document was careful to describe the step as largely a research project — at least for now.
As directed by Congress, it said, the Defense Department “will identify the most promising technologies, and estimated schedule, cost and personnel requirements for a possible space-based defensive layer that achieves an early operational capability.”
When Mr. Trump alluded to a space-based element of American defenses, he did not include those caveats.
Representative Adam Smith of Washington, the new Democratic chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, said the idea of space-based weapons “has been studied repeatedly and found to be technologically challenging and prohibitively expensive.”
Even some defense hawks, like Senator Jack Reed, a Rhode Island Democrat and former Army Ranger, said after the speech that “integrated, space-based capabilities are certainly worth exploring, but we don’t have unlimited resources, so we must weigh investments among competing national security priorities.’’
Historically, that has always been the problem with missile defense: The technology has always seemed more promising on paper than in reality. And the Pentagon has never kept up with Hollywood’s imagining.
The gargantuan effort to shield the nation from missile strikes is often said to start in 1983 with Reagan’s “Star Wars” program. Over the decades, the United States has spent more than 0 billion on the antimissile goal, according to Stephen I. Schwartz, who studies the cost of military projects.
The program’s expense is directly related to the difficulty of the physics. Warheads fired by intercontinental missiles zip along at more than four miles a second. Success rates have been unimpressive.
The nation’s antimissile corps relies on a relatively simple approach that uses ground-based interceptors. They race skyward and release speeding projectiles meant to destroy incoming warheads by force of impact — what experts call hitting a bullet with a bullet.
The method has demonstrated fair performance against short-range threats, which move relatively slowly. In 2004, the Bush administration began deploying a bullet-on-bullet system in Alaska and California to defend against North Korean warheads.
Since then, the system has undergone 10 costly flight tests against mock warheads. Five of the tests failed. The most recent test, in May 2017, successfully smashed the mock target to smithereens.
Russia has emerged as perhaps the greatest threat as it develops a range of next-generation missile systems. In 2014, Washington formally accused Moscow of breaching an arms treaty by developing and deploying a prohibited weapon.
Although Russia has consistently denied any violation, the Trump administration told Moscow in October that it is leaving the landmark treaty.B:
【咔】【嚓】【咔】【嚓】…… 【吞】【天】【兽】【背】【后】【的】【九】【柄】【神】【剑】【陆】【续】【炸】【裂】，【永】【恒】【神】【铁】【蕴】【含】【了】【叶】【秋】【的】【绝】【世】【武】【道】【意】【志】，【还】【有】【至】【尊】【神】【兵】【的】【道】【痕】【狼】【藉】。 【威】【力】【不】【是】【一】【般】【的】【强】，【相】【当】【与】【诸】【多】【古】【术】【同】【时】【祭】【出】，【至】【强】【无】【比】。 “【吼】！” 【遭】【遇】【到】【生】【死】【危】【机】【的】【吞】【天】【兽】【发】【出】【不】【甘】【的】【怒】【吼】，【身】【上】【另】【一】【件】【古】【宝】【浮】【现】。 【古】【宝】【吞】【纳】【八】【方】，【阻】【挡】【至】【强】【古】【术】【的】【攻】【击】。
【自】【打】【覃】【雪】【为】【孟】【安】【莹】【找】【了】【老】【师】【之】【后】，【孟】【安】【莹】【的】【日】【子】【就】【苦】【不】【堪】【言】，【也】【不】【知】【道】【究】【竟】【是】【不】【是】【覃】【雪】【授】【意】【的】，【这】【个】【嬷】【嬷】【不】【但】【脾】【气】【查】【的】【不】【得】【了】，【居】【然】【还】【敢】【动】【辄】【打】【骂】【孟】【安】【莹】。 【孟】【安】【莹】【哪】【里】【受】【得】【过】【这】【样】【的】【气】，【偏】【生】【那】【教】【养】【嬷】【嬷】【也】【不】【知】【道】【用】【了】【什】【么】【手】【段】，【居】【然】【一】【点】【伤】【痕】【都】【没】【有】，【但】【孟】【安】【莹】【是】【确】【确】【实】【实】【的】【疼】。 【这】【次】【回】【来】，【父】【亲】【就】【不】【再】【像】【以】大良第一码头【小】【时】【候】【家】【里】【的】【电】【动】【玩】【具】、【收】【音】【机】、Mp4、【电】【脑】【主】【机】【等】【等】【几】【乎】【都】【被】【我】【拆】【过】，【没】【办】【法】，【就】【是】【好】【奇】+“【手】【欠】”。【随】【着】【科】【技】【的】【进】【步】，【拆】【机】【工】【具】【也】【越】【来】【越】【精】【致】【和】【高】【效】，【作】【为】【家】【庭】【必】【备】【工】【具】【之】【一】，【一】【个】【趁】【手】【的】【螺】【丝】【批】【套】【装】【有】【时】【还】【真】【能】【管】【大】【用】。【特】【别】【是】【精】【密】【螺】【丝】【批】，【有】【时】【候】【眼】【镜】【夹】【或】【者】【家】【里】【小】【电】【器】【的】【螺】【丝】【松】【了】，【合】【适】【的】【螺】【丝】【刀】【就】【十】【分】【救】【急】【了】。【今】【天】【和】【各】【位】【分】【享】【的】【这】【款】【世】【达】SATA PEN【精】【密】【多】【批】【头】【套】【装】【就】【属】【于】【一】【款】【颇】【具】【颜】【值】【和】【实】【用】【性】【的】【小】【工】【具】，【价】【格】【也】【不】【贵】，【关】【键】【是】【自】【带】24【枚】【精】【密】【批】【头】，【总】【有】【一】【款】【能】【让】【你】【用】【的】【上】。
【第】499【章】【突】【袭】 【如】【此】【行】【事】【原】【因】【应】【该】【只】【有】【一】【个】，【那】【就】【是】【禅】【房】【内】【的】【人】【实】【在】【太】【重】【要】，【一】【旦】【出】【事】，【他】【们】【都】【担】【不】【起】【责】【任】。 【玄】【蝶】【怕】【顾】【惜】【夕】【再】【遇】【到】【危】【险】，【立】【刻】【护】【着】【她】【退】【到】【了】【一】【边】，【远】【远】【地】【躲】【在】【树】【丛】【后】【张】【望】。 “【看】【来】【里】【面】【的】【确】【是】【有】【暗】【室】【密】【道】【之】【类】【的】，【否】【则】【装】【不】【下】【这】【么】【多】【人】。” 【顾】【惜】【夕】【闻】【言】【点】【点】【头】，【这】【白】【云】【寺】【处】【处】【都】【透】【着】【诡】
【他】【倆】【离】【开】【刘】【星】【家】【后】，【闲】【庭】【信】【步】【地】【走】【着】。 “【话】【说】，【江】【晨】【你】【家】【什】【么】【来】【头】【呀】？“ 【江】【晨】【和】【林】【子】【乔】【对】【话】【时】，【莫】【萝】【可】【是】【一】【致】【研】【看】【着】【林】【子】【乔】【的】【面】【部】【表】【情】【的】，【虽】【然】【江】【晨】【的】【军】【官】【身】【份】【让】【林】【子】【乔】【有】【些】【忌】【惮】，【不】【过】【当】【江】【晨】【说】【出】【自】【己】【家】【住】【何】【处】【时】，【林】【子】【乔】【神】【色】【才】【有】【明】【显】【的】【变】【化】。 【江】【晨】【漫】【不】【经】【心】【回】【了】【句】：“【几】【代】【人】【在】【北】【京】【打】【拼】【下】【来】【的】【家】【族】