WASHINGTON — Twenty-eight hours isn’t particularly long, but it was enough to provoke Republicans into making the latest transformation of the Senate, an institution that once revered minority rights but that is slowly but certainly turning into another chamber where the majority rules all.
Frustrated by a lack of Democratic cooperation on executive branch nominations, the Republican majority on Wednesday engineered the latest twist in the struggle over mind-numbing Senate rules. They forced through a change that reduced to two hours, from 30, the maximum time allowed for debating most executive branch nominations after an initial vote to bring the matter to a close.
Suddenly that 28-hour difference seems momentous.
Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, persuaded his fellow Republicans to jam through the change in the interest of expediency. A 2013 rules revision — similarly strong-armed through by Democrats — had already cleared the way for a Senate majority to confirm most presidential nominees on its own if it was simply willing to devote the time to clearing the procedural obstacles. The Democratic insistence on consuming all of that time before a preordained outcome had exhausted the patience of Mr. McConnell and his cohorts.
“What has been going on here is completely and totally unacceptable,” Mr. McConnell said in scolding his Democratic counterparts for making the Senate routinely chew up the 30 hours of “post-cloture” time on Federal District Court judges and subcabinet-level nominees. He did not expound on the fact that he and his fellow Republicans deployed similar tactics against President Barack Obama when it came to many of his judicial nominees, culminating with their refusal in 2016 to even entertain the Supreme Court nomination of Merrick B. Garland, a respected federal appeals court judge.
In a candid admission this week, Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa and former Judiciary Committee chairman, acknowledged that Republicans dug in against Obama judicial nominees as payback for what Democrats did to some of the judicial choices of President George W. Bush.
“True to our promise to not live by two sets of rules, we began to follow the precedent established by the Democrats and blocked a proportional number of President Obama’s judicial nominees,” he said.
The Senate is always an arena for playing tit for tat. The larger problem is that once one side figures out an effective way to throw a wrench into the procedural works, the other side then adopts and escalates that approach the next chance it gets.
Democrats began filibustering federal appeals court nominees in 2003. Republicans followed suit in the Obama era and threw lower-level district court nominees into the mix. Then they upped the ante considerably with their complete blockade of Judge Garland with nearly a year left in Mr. Obama’s term.
After multiple Republican filibusters against Mr. Obama’s nominees to fill vacancies on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, Democrats in November 2013 eliminated the 60-vote threshold for breaking a filibuster for nearly all nominees. In 2017, Republicans then extended that rule to Supreme Court nominees, allowing President Trump to install two — Neil M. Gorsuch and Brett M. Kavanaugh.
Republicans have also limited the so-called blue-slip privileges of Democrats when it comes to circuit court judges, denying them their previous ability to pocket veto nominees for home-state courts if they did not approve of the administration’s choice or were not consulted on the pick. They are still allowed a say over district court judges, but the majority could always revoke that right as well.
Angry at the increasing limits on their ability to influence judicial selection, Democrats have been forcing Republicans to run out the clock on all nominees and throwing up whatever barriers they can.
So Republicans reset the clock — from 30 hours to two.
The eventual outcome seems almost inevitable. Democrats are already under pressure from activist groups to abandon the filibuster altogether — the 60-vote threshold still applies for most legislation — if they get the opportunity after the 2020 election or at some point in the future. The Republican decision to push through another unilateral rules change will only fuel that campaign and make it easier for Democrats — or Republicans for that matter — to justify it.
Harry Reid, the former Democratic leader from Nevada who was the architect of the 2013 change to weaken filibusters against nominees, has predicted for years that the legislative filibuster was on its way out. Events seem to reinforce his view.
Senators on both sides of the aisle insist they would never eliminate the procedural weapon that empowers individual senators. But they also used to insist that they would never overhaul the rules in ways that would undermine the sacrosanct Senate rights of the minority.
The so-called nuclear option — unilaterally changing Senate practices through parliamentary rulings — used to be so feared that senators would huddle in their offices for intense talks to avert what lawmakers predicted would be a catastrophe for the Senate. Now the option has become conventional — three times in six years — and most of the public doesn’t see much significance in the reduction to two hours from 30. It is not hard to imagine more sweeping changes in store for the Senate in the not-too-distant future.
Both sides aired their decades of nomination grievances during the rules change debate, with Senator Tom Cotton, Republican of Arkansas, calling the Republican action “Miguel Estrada’s revenge” — a reference to the first appeals court nominee who was blocked in 2003 by a Democratic filibuster. Democrats reminded Republicans of their harsh treatment of Obama nominees and the obstruction of Judge Garland. They said Republicans were changing the rules in their rush to fill the federal courts with conservatives blessed by Mr. Trump and advocacy groups on the right.
“It is a partisan power grab,” said Senator Patrick J. Leahy, Democrat of Vermont who formerly oversaw the Judiciary Committee. “And it is motivated by the far right’s desire to flood the federal judiciary with young, ideological nominees, many of whom, as we have seen time and again in the Judiciary Committee, are simply unqualified to serve on our nation’s courts.”
The change, while seemingly minor, will help Republicans fill up vacancies by saving considerable floor time. About three dozen district court nominees were recently cleared for floor consideration and can now speed through, or at least speed through in Senate terms. Another vestige of minority power is going by the boards.
“That is not the Senate we want,” Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, said Wednesday in denouncing the Republican move. But it increasingly seems it is the Senate we are going to get.B:
123357.com【休】【息】【是】【没】【办】【法】【休】【息】【的】。 【这】【桩】【案】【子】【虽】【然】【完】【结】【了】，【但】【收】【尾】【工】【作】【还】【差】【许】【多】。 【毕】【竟】，【李】【瑞】【和】【许】【云】，【勾】【连】【出】【了】“【独】【品】”【犯】【罪】，【他】【们】【得】【联】【合】【缉】【毒】【大】【队】【一】【块】【儿】【把】【贩】【卖】【给】【许】【云】【和】【李】【瑞】【独】【品】【的】【那】【个】【团】【伙】【揪】【出】【来】，【再】【转】【交】【禁】【毒】【支】【队】。 【公】【安】【系】【统】【内】【的】【机】【构】【设】【置】【的】【还】【蛮】【复】【杂】【的】，【禁】【毒】【支】【队】【与】【刑】【侦】【支】【队】【平】【级】，【缉】【毒】【大】【队】【却】【又】【隶】【属】【刑】【侦】【支】【队】
【钱】【夏】【的】【生】【活】【恢】【复】【了】【原】【样】，【上】【课】，【跟】【剧】【组】【学】【习】，【拍】【电】【影】，【以】【及】【日】【常】【跟】【谢】【池】【通】【电】【话】。 【两】【年】【说】【短】【不】【短】，【但】【要】【是】【长】，【其】【实】【也】【算】【不】【得】【长】。 【自】【从】【分】【手】【那】【件】【事】【揭】【过】【之】【后】，【谢】【池】【给】【钱】【夏】【打】【电】【话】【的】【频】【率】【更】【高】【了】，【此】【后】【两】【人】【谁】【也】【没】【有】【再】【提】【孩】【子】【的】【事】。 【谢】【池】【在】【麻】【省】【理】【工】【那】【边】【先】【结】【束】【了】【学】【业】，【他】【回】【来】【的】【那】【天】，【钱】【夏】【去】【接】【他】【的】【机】。 【帝】
【四】【十】【岁】【那】【年】，【杨】【晓】【婵】【病】【重】。 【她】【躺】【在】【床】【上】，【看】【着】【因】【为】【她】【突】【然】【倒】【下】【而】【头】【发】【一】【夜】【之】【间】【全】【白】【了】【的】【张】【安】【国】，【满】【心】【难】【过】【不】【舍】。 【她】【以】【为】，【做】【出】【这】【个】【选】【择】【之】【后】，【她】【已】【经】【对】【未】【来】【会】【发】【生】【的】【事】【情】【有】【所】【准】【备】【了】。 【可】【真】【当】【她】【躺】【在】【病】【床】【上】，【看】【着】【张】【安】【国】【用】【不】【舍】【的】【眼】【神】【望】【着】【她】【的】【时】【候】，【她】【还】【是】【难】【免】【后】【悔】。 【相】【伴】【多】【年】，【他】【们】【两】【个】【人】【感】【情】【越】
【秦】【北】【洲】【受】【了】【委】【屈】，【陆】【景】【丞】【怎】【么】【可】【能】【坐】【视】【不】【理】，【那】【篇】【文】【章】【出】【来】【后】，【陆】【景】【丞】【就】【一】【直】【在】【针】【对】【那】【个】【杂】【志】【社】。【因】【为】【处】【处】【被】【陆】【氏】【集】【团】【打】【压】，【杂】【志】【社】【运】【营】【不】【下】【去】【了】，【苦】【苦】【挨】【了】【几】【个】【月】【后】，【就】【宣】【布】【破】【产】【了】。 【啊】【啊】【啊】，【写】【到】【这】【里】【我】【真】【的】【是】【太】【激】【动】【了】，【一】【想】【到】【后】【面】【他】【们】【分】【手】【了】，【再】【看】【这】【些】【撒】【糖】【的】【细】【节】，【就】【觉】【得】【好】【虐】【啊】！ 【好】，【我】【们】【继】【续】，
【周】【沅】【芷】【眼】【睛】【张】【大】，【微】【微】【茫】【然】。 【林】【飞】【白】【眼】【睛】【上】【翻】，【接】【受】【不】【能】。 【额】【头】【上】【微】【软】【的】【触】【感】【鲜】【明】，【他】【觉】【得】【自】【己】【的】【汗】【唰】【一】【下】【都】【缩】【回】【体】【内】【了】。 【那】【一】【处】【竟】【然】【开】【始】【灼】【热】，【他】【像】【被】【扎】【了】【一】【下】【猛】【地】【向】【后】【一】【退】，【他】【还】【是】【趴】【着】，【猛】【仰】【之】【下】，【腰】【骨】【都】【因】【这】【大】【力】【发】【出】【嘎】【吱】【之】【声】。 【然】【后】【他】【看】【见】【周】【沅】【芷】【的】【脸】，【慢】【慢】【红】【了】。 【这】【大】【家】【闺】【秀】，【脸】【红】123357.com【体】【检】【发】【现】【肺】【结】【节】【不】【一】【定】【就】【是】【肺】【癌】。【很】【多】【人】【进】【行】【了】【单】【位】【体】【检】，【发】【现】【自】【己】【莫】【名】【其】【妙】【患】【上】【了】【肺】【结】【节】，【顿】【时】【开】【始】【慌】【张】【了】。【再】【强】【调】【多】【一】【次】，【肺】【结】【节】【并】【不】【等】【于】【肺】【癌】。【所】【谓】【肺】【结】【节】【是】【胸】【部】ct【或】【者】【胸】【片】【检】【查】【中】【发】【现】【肺】【部】【有】【结】【节】【样】【的】【占】【位】【性】【病】【变】。【它】【仅】【是】【一】【个】【影】【像】【学】【发】【现】，【并】【不】【代】【表】【是】【临】【床】【准】【确】【的】【诊】【断】。【一】【般】【来】【说】，【临】【床】【上】【把】【小】【于】【三】【公】【分】【的】【肺】【部】【占】【位】【性】【病】【变】【叫】【做】【结】【节】，【而】【大】【于】【三】【公】【分】【的】【才】【叫】【做】【肿】【块】。
【高】【台】【上】【的】【黄】【金】【可】【汗】【面】【色】【大】【变】。 “【鲲】【鹏】！【太】【古】【鲲】【施】【展】【上】【古】【妖】【身】【了】！” 【上】【古】【鲲】【鹏】【的】【厉】【害】，【众】【人】【都】【是】【晓】【得】。 【那】【是】【体】【魄】【比】【天】【大】，【一】【念】【便】【可】【吞】【噬】【掉】【一】【座】【大】【陆】【的】【怪】【物】。【正】【是】【因】【为】【拥】【有】【着】【鲲】【鹏】【的】【血】【脉】，【才】【使】【得】【太】【古】【鲲】【在】【整】【个】【圣】【山】【有】【着】【如】【此】【高】【的】【地】【位】。【以】【往】【众】【人】【只】【是】【忌】【惮】【他】【于】【他】【体】【内】【的】【血】【脉】，【而】【此】【刻】，【随】【着】【太】【古】【鲲】【晋】【升】【到】【沧】【海】
（【万】【更】【求】【票】） 【自】【己】【与】【太】【阳】【的】【力】【量】【交】【汇】【产】【生】【的】【巨】【大】【能】【量】【会】【撕】【裂】【脆】【弱】【的】【世】【界】【壁】【垒】，【当】【壁】【垒】【开】【裂】【到】【足】【够】【大】【的】【程】【度】【地】【狱】【星】【就】【会】【从】【对】【面】【的】【世】【界】【跨】【越】【而】【来】。【以】【对】【方】【那】【毫】【不】【遮】【挡】，【泄】【露】【出】【来】【的】【混】【乱】，【饥】【饿】【情】【绪】【庄】【司】【涉】【真】【有】【点】【儿】【怕】【在】【自】【己】【搞】【死】【这】【个】【星】【空】【生】【物】【之】【前】，【水】【蓝】【星】【就】【被】【当】【糖】【豆】【嚼】【着】【吃】【了】。 【但】【去】【停】【止】【能】【量】【交】【汇】【又】【是】【一】【件】【非】【常】【蠢】
【他】【等】【待】【的】，【剑】【与】【剑】【之】【间】【的】【碰】【撞】【并】【没】【有】【来】【临】，【而】【是】【感】【觉】【下】【身】【传】【来】【一】【阵】【剧】【痛】！ 【他】【整】【个】【好】【像】【失】【去】【了】【支】【撑】，【重】【重】【的】【倒】【在】【地】【上】。 【他】【痛】【苦】【的】【惨】【叫】【着】，【看】【向】【自】【己】【的】【下】【身】，【一】【双】【大】【腿】【被】【齐】【根】【削】【断】，【血】【流】【如】【注】。 【邵】【红】【雁】【就】【站】【在】【他】【身】【边】，【脸】【色】【冰】【凉】。 【他】【用】【仇】【恨】【的】【眼】【神】【死】【死】【的】【盯】【着】【邵】【红】【雁】：“【该】【死】【的】【臭】【婆】【娘】，【你】【骗】【我】！” 【陈】
【唐】【九】【芊】【回】【来】【之】【后】【师】【姐】【们】【就】【开】【始】【叽】【叽】【喳】【喳】【问】，“【抽】【到】【第】【几】【啦】？【对】【面】【圣】【女】【是】【第】【几】【知】【道】【不】？” “【第】【九】，【我】【们】【看】【到】，【可】【能】【在】【我】【后】【面】【吧】。”【唐】【九】【芊】【道】。 【师】【姐】【们】【一】【看】【她】【是】【在】【前】【边】，【赶】【紧】【围】【成】【一】【圈】【给】【她】【温】【习】【功】【课】。 “【记】【得】【那】【一】【招】【兰】【花】【绽】【一】【定】【要】【有】【那】【种】【幽】【静】【的】【感】【觉】！” “【还】【有】【还】【有】” 【唐】【九】【芊】【晕】【头】【转】【向】，【连】【前】【边】